China describes Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg’s two-day fence-mending visit to Beijing as candid and in depth.

But, if there has been an improvement in ties after Steinberg’s talks with his Chinese counterparts, it was not evident at the media briefing given by the Chinese Foreign Ministry after his departure.

Spokesman Qin Gang repeated in the determined tone used in recent weeks that, if the bilateral relationship is to continue on a stable path, it is up to Washington to make amends and push the relationship back to more friendly terms.

He says Washington has to sincerely respect China’s core interests and specifically mentioned Taiwan and Tibet, referring to the U.S. arms sales to Taipei and the White House meeting with Tibet’s exiled leader, the Dalai Lama – just two of several issues that have angered Beijing.

An American embassy spokesman told VOA it is too early to assess the impact of the deputy secretary of state’s visit.

“Our goal has always been to make our relationship more mature to weather any issue good or bad, to [a point] where we can continue to the number of dialogues and numerous lines of communications we have to overcome our differences and find areas of cooperation,” he said.

His response emphases how the slightest nuances of the talks will be poured over by both sides for true their meaning and significance.

In the talks, Steinberg pressed Beijing to consider sanctions against Iran because of Tehran’s nuclear program. But, with oil interests in the country, Beijing is reluctant to upset a key ally.

And Qin again said China, which has the power to veto any UN Security Council sanctions – still believes there is room for diplomacy.

U.S. officials say they will offer clearer insight into Steinberg’s talks Friday.

The deputy secretary of state has flown on to Tokyo to meet Japanese government officials.

By Peter Simpson
Via

This open letter is written by some exiled overseas Chinese dissidents. The China Times post their letter for archive purpose only.

To: Nobel Peace Prize Committee

Copied to:
Dalai Lama
Desmond Tutu
Herta Müller, 2009 Nobel Prize Laureate in Literature
U.S. State Department
U.S. Congress
U.S. National Endowment for Democracy Foundation
U.S. Human Rights Organizations
International Human Rights Organizations
European Parliament

Respected Nobel Prize Committee and Mr. Vaclav Havel:

We are a group of exiled overseas writers, dissidents, and overseas Chinese, who are concerned about and have been participating in the Chinese democracy movement for many years. We have always condemned the persecutory conduct of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government, and we are equally opposed to the CCP’s current persecution of writer Liu Xiaobo.

However, we do not consider that Liu Xiaobo qualifies as a candidate for the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize. As recently as December 23, 2009, he made a statement entitled “I have no enemies—my final statement” during his trial after being detained for nearly a year. This statement was released to Radio Free Asia and Voice of Germany by his wife on January 21, 2010. In this statement, he whitewashed the Communist regime’s appalling human rights record and legal system, based on only his own special treatment by the CCP justice system during his detention. He also contradicted himself by first saying that the CCP was criminalizing him for his speech, and then praising the CCP for putting “respecting and protecting human rights” into the constitution, saying that “it is a sign that human rights have become one of the fundamental principles of Chinese law.” Also in this statement, he praised the CCP prison system for its “tender management,” “offering inmates a humane living environment,” and “making them feel warm.”

At the same time that Liu Xiaobo was receiving “tender and humane” special treatment in jail, under the same totalitarian regime, in the same year, under the same legal system, Chinese human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng and other prisoners of conscience were suffering from brutal tortures as atrocious as electric shocks to the genitals by the police. Liu Xiaobo clearly knew that the CCP was deliberately giving him special lenient treatment while ruthlessly brutalizing Mr. Gao Zhisheng and other prisoners of conscience. But he still said in his “I have no enemies” statement that the Chinese government “recognizes universal standards of human rights.” This is consistent with his conduct after the Tiananmen movement of 1989. Back then in a speech broadcast across the national television network, he helped the CCP to cover up its massacre during the June 4th movement. Because of these deeds and conduct, he has lost the moral image fit for a Nobel Peace Prize recipient.

As everyone knows, the CCP has always refused to share power with any force outside the government. It also views anyone who demands it to relinquish its dictatorship as “hostile forces.” These “hostile forces” are subjected to brutal persecution by the CCP, regardless of whether the demand was in the form of resistance or gentle suggestions, including Liu Xiaobo’s “Charter 08,” which tries to persuade the CCP to adopt democracy. Liu’s arrest this time again demonstrates the fall of the fantasy that the CCP regime will reform itself and peacefully transition into a democracy. It also shows that Liu Xiaobo’s path of persuasion and advice can only lead to a dead end.

Liu Xiaobo is free to say whatever he wants, but as a public-figure “dissident,” his disregard for facts and open praise for the CCP regime that tramples on human rights, and his attempt to both defend himself and exonerate the CCP, all set a precedent of confounding truth and falsehood that misguides and negatively impacts the Chinese democracy movement.

The point of dispute among the Chinese dissidents is this: How do we confront the totalitarian rule of the CCP? This dispute divides Chinese dissidents into those who favor change through resistance and those who favor change through cooperation. The former completely negate the totalitarian Communist system, calling for the people to reject dictatorship and establish a democratic government; the latter cooperate with the CCP, hoping to work with it to establish a “democratic system.” The existence of such severe differences among the Chinese dissidents, plus the CCP intelligence operation’s infiltration and buy off, makes the ranks of dissidents highly complex. The current Chinese democracy movement is as chaotic and complicated as the resistance movements before the collapse of the Communist parties in the Eastern European countries. It is our belief that perhaps only time can reveal the true face of Liu Xiaobo as a controversial figure and representative of the “cooperative faction.”

Finally, we would like to clarify that we are opposed to any infringements on freedom and human rights by the CCP. We also consider it illegal to criminalize free speech and persecute and imprison either those who try to bring change through resistance or those who try to achieve reform through cooperation. Nonetheless, awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo, with his defective image and being a representative of the “cooperative faction,” will have a negative impact on the Chinese peoples’ struggle for human rights, freedom, and democracy.

To inspire the Chinese people currently struggling against the brutal tyranny of the CCP, with respect to the selection of Chinese candidates for the Nobel Peace Prize, we hope that the Nobel Committee will consider those individuals who have made real contributions to the struggle for freedom, human rights and democracy in China. They are, for example, Gao Zhisheng and Hu Jia who are currently being persecuted by the CCP, and Dr. Gao Yaojie who just fled China to escape persecution.

Sincerely and respectfully yours,

Co-signers:

Bian Hexiang，Anti-CCP activist. Member, Central Committee of Chinese Social Democratic Party; Chairman, The Coalition of Guards For American Values, Inc.; blacklisted by CCP for the pursuit of freedom and democracy in China and support for Fanlun Gong’s struggle against persecution. Now living in New York City, USA.

Huan Xuewen，Freelance writer. Passport invalidated by CCP in 1992 for joining overseas independent students and scholars organizations and opposing the 1989 massacre by CCP. Now living in Essen, Germany.

Liu Guohua，Anti-CCP activist, Former Associate Professor of Northeastern University, China. Vice Chairman, The Coalition of Guards For American Values, Inc. Now living in New York City, USA.

Liu Xiaodong，Freelance writer, Pen name: San Mei. Blacklisted by CCP for supporting and participating in Chinese pro-democracy movements. Now living in Chicago, USA.

Lu Decheng，Anti-CCP activist. Sentenced to imprisonment for 15 years for participating in the 1989 Tiananmen pro-democracy movement and defacing Mao’s portrait on Tiananmen with paint-filled eggs; released on parole in 1998. Now living in Calgary, Canada.

Su Junyan，Freelance writer. Senior political critic, graduate of Department of History, Beijing University. Persecuted by CCP for expressing political views during the June 4th movement and sentenced to imprisonment; won the United Nations’ political asylum. Now living in Toronto, Canada.

Tang Boqiao，Chairman, China Peace and Democracy Federation. Sentenced to imprisonment for three years for participating and organizing the 1989 pro-democracy movement, and served for 18 months. Now living in New York City, USA.

Wang Gongbiao，Human rights activist. Suffered from discrimination by the CCP government due to family origin, persecuted by CCP for free speech, exiled to Australia and won political asylum there. Now living in Sydney, Australia.

Wang Shenglin，Chinese dissident, Senior Financial Information Analyst at HSBC. Blacklisted by CCP for supporting and participating in Chinese pro-democracy movements. Now living in Chicago, USA.

Wu Fan，Anti-CCP activist. Chief Editor, China Affairs, member of Independent Chinese PEN Centre; member, Coordinating Committee of Chinese Liberal Culture Movement; labeled as a rightist by CCP in 1957, charged as a reactionary and sentenced to imprisonment for 20 years in 1968; served in labor camp for 12 years; released in November, 1979, and then taught in Anhui Teachers College, China. Now living in Los Angeles, USA.

Xiao Hong，Freelance writer. Now living in Denmark.

Xiao Jing，Manager, Broad Book USA. Rose against CCP for mother’s persecution by CCP for practicing Falun Gong; Canadian citizen. Now living in New York City, USA.

Xiong Yan，Participant of the 1989 Tiananmen student pro-democracy movement. Arrested and sentenced to imprisonment on June 14, 1989; released in January, 1991; currently serving in US Army as Army Priest. Now living in Alabama, USA.

Xu Shuiliang，Anti-CCP activist. Devoted to Chinese pro-democracy movement from 1973; jailed twice from 1975-1979 and May 1981- May 1991 for supporting and participating in Chinese pro-democracy movements. Now living in New York City, USA.

Xu Yi，Associate Professor at University College London, UK. Blacklisted by CCP for supporting and participating in Chinese pro-democracy movements, and denied passport renewal for many years. Now living in London, UK.

Yuan Hongbing，Freelance writer, jurist, founder of Chinese Liberal Culture Movement. Arrested by CCP for participating in the 1989 Tiananmen pro-democracy movement; exiled to Guizhou, China; sought political asylum in Australia in 2004. Now living in Sydney, Australia.

Zeng Dajun， Teacher. Now living in New York City, USA.

Zhang Guoting，Anti-CCP activist, Internet writer. Arrested and sentenced to labor camp in 1960 at age 16, subsequently sentenced to life imprisonment for reactionary crimes, served in prison for 22 years, released in 1982 and fled to Denmark. Now living in Denmark.

Zhong Weiguang，Freelance writer. Blacklisted by CCP for publications that point out the problems of Communism and Communist culture, and articles that criticize the CCP government; passport invalidated by CCP in 1997. Now living in Essen, Germany.

The place I’m travelling to is my father’s hometown, a desperate village locked in the mist covered mountain. I’ve been there five times over the last 28 years: 25 years ago there was no electricity supply, 10 years ago I couldn’t find GSM mobile signal there and last year I saw the younger generation using their mobile phone for chatting on QQ.

Somehow I feel this part of rural China is dying. My uncles devoted the best days of their life in gorgeous cities like Shenzhen and Guangzhou, leaving their uneducated children at home in the village. The gap within my family is as obvious as the difference between city and countryside. More than three decades ago my father decided to leave that village, he took the exam to be a student in the school of medicine and then a psychiatrist after education. His decision changed everything in his life, and mine as well.

Last year I was told that my uncles were forced to move out from their house. A new road will be built in that area and the planned demolition required their “cooperation”. It happened just several days later after I posted the story of Tang Fuzhen. China has never been so REAL to me. Although I’m far away from China, I feel China in my own way. It’s about my blood, my nerves and my family, yes I’m going back to my ROOT now.

The picture of the village below was taken in 2000 (almost 10 years ago!), just after I took the National University Entrance Examination.

Quote:

…… 一般来讲如果是在重庆主城区这样的丘陵地区，街区之间的海拔落差可以被当作一种情调来品读，但是在川东乡村，恶劣的地貌锁定了贫穷与落后。上面这幅图是我父亲的籍贯地，我的祖籍地，此生我去过那里大约四次，第一次回那里甚至还没有通电，懂事后有记忆的三次。翻山越岭新奇有趣但是不具备任何成本经济性，单反一抬随手一拍就是仰角四十五度以上的山丘。上面这幅照片拍摄于公元2000年，高考完后算是回家祭祭祖。照片大约扫描于大一。出国前我又回老家去过一次，感觉是公路越来越不好走，因为那里的人们都离开了家乡。如果你仔细看看图，大概会对几千年前太行、王屋脚下愚公的悲哀有一定了解。

我在远离源头的二十多年漫长岁月里偶尔也止不住地追忆揣想源头之上的一切，有时甚至难抑想拥抱亲吻那片并不丰饶的土地的冲动，用下游的血回应上游的血。在某些随机漫步的情况下，今日我或许也会兀自躬耕陇上，但是这一切并没有发生。关于这个，我大约从十六岁上就告诉自己和家人，有的时候一个社会的细胞可以在两代人的时间里实现通常需要四代人实现的阶层流动。而就总体而言我向来热烈地呼唤一个多孔、流动的中国，人们需要在个体与宏观两个向度上创造更宽松自由的条件。每当提到山坳中国我喜欢说“回”，不管外界如何轻慢这贫瘠的一隅，我也不会掩饰对它的心意。事实上如果生活在革命年代我也许会成为某些人眼中死硬的暴民，这是没有办法的事情。在过往的历史里，敢于亡命的精神一般要经过三代才会彻底消亡，某些害怕这种事情的欧洲寄生阶层习惯于把这个过程换一种雅致的说法来表达，并且愚蠢地将人的尊严/气质与精细的生活方式/教育水平的关联绝对化。在中国反驳这等事情要简单得多，因为一百年来的覆巢下基本上没有一颗完卵，大家彼此彼此。

……

The AfternicDLS had 27 more non .com gTLD sales ranging from $1,000 to $2,300 :

Via

Strange Prophecies anew! She wrote

–’The key is in the window, the key is in the sunlight at the window

–I have the key

–Get married Allen don’t take drugs

–the key is in the bars, in the sunlight in the window.

Love,

your mother’
– “Kaddish“, Allen Ginsberg

Mother at the river

by Yefu

一
这是一篇萦怀于心而又一直不敢动笔的文章。 是心中绷得太紧以至于怕轻轻一抚就砉然断裂的弦丝。 却又恍若巨石在喉,
耿耿于无数个不眠之夜, 在黑暗中撕心裂肺, 似乎只须默默一念, 便足以砸碎我寄命尘世这一点点虚妄的自足。

又是江南飞霜的时节了, 秋水生凉, 寒气渐沉。整整十年了，身寄北国的我仍是不敢重回那一段冰冷的水域,
不敢也不欲去想像我投江失踪的母亲, 至今仍暴尸于哪一片月光下……

二

从母亲到晚年仍保持的决绝个性里，我相信她成为“右派”是一件必然的事。这样说并非基于纯粹的宿命观，而是指她诞生之初，血质里就被刻上了她父亲的烙印。她一生都在努力企图剪断她与那个“国军”将领的血缘联系，却终归徒劳无获。

我外祖母是江汉平原的大家闺秀，其父在民初留学扶桑八年，归国赴任甘肃省高法院长前，决定与天门望族刘家结为姻亲——那时的刘家三少爷[我外祖父]正成为黄埔八期的士官生开始了他的戎马生涯。在可能存在过的短暂幸福之后，作为战祸频仍年代的军人之妻，外祖母便带着我的母亲步入了她的孤独一生。

抗战爆发，外祖父侍卫蒋公撤退西南。刘家太爷故世，大宅日见凋敝。该地区又是日寇国军和共军拉锯争夺之地，无论哪一部短暂占领，徒具虚名的刘宅便成了搜刮粮饷的目标。外祖母带着我少年的母亲东躲西藏，饱受乱离之苦。最后因怕女儿受辱，外婆只好托乡里客商将我母亲带到湘西伯父家避祸。母亲在那识尽炎凉，像一个女仆般做工求学。

三

日本投降当年，母亲独自踏上还乡寻母的艰难路程，当她找到捡棉花纺线度日的外婆时，劫后重逢的泪水湿透了她们的褴褛衣裳。次年，乡人传言外祖父衣锦还乡，授衔少将驻节武汉。母亲来到省城寻父，等待她的却是晴天霹雳——外祖父不信他的妻女还能侥幸存活，已经重新娶妻生子了。而且他隐瞒了婚史因此不敢相认。

悲愤的母亲闯进了他父亲的一场盛大酒会，一时舆论大哗，外祖父回乡逼迫外婆离婚，从此父女反目，我母亲坚决改名换姓以示恩断义绝。

天道往还，1948年，节节败退的外祖父奉命移师恩施，赴任途中被伏击，流弹洞穿了他壮年的胸脯——而最后为他扶柩理丧的竟是我终身寡居的外婆。

武汉次年易帜，“革大”招生，母亲投考，结业后竟又鬼使神差地被分往恩施剿匪土改——踏上了她父亲送命的路程。在这条充满险恶的山路上，她与我父亲邂逅相逢。一个平原遗弃的将门孤女，一个山中破落的土司遗孑，在那个伟大动荡的时代，偶然而又必然的结合了并从此扎根深山。

四

外婆早已原谅了她的丈夫，母亲却永远在仇恨她的父亲。她无法在现实中去惩罚他，便极力在精神上去满足一种虚构的报复——改名换姓，不承认有此父亲，甚至不允许外婆去原谅。

然而这种背叛只能停留在自我泄愤的地步，因为这个政党一向在意个人的血统以研究其阶级属性。在她报考革命大学那天起，她就要面对无数张表格。她总是试图说明她是她父亲那个阶级的弃婴，她和她母亲属于苦难平民。然而表格却限制了她的声辩，同时还作为一张早有预谋的标签贴上了她的面庞。

上个世纪流行一个充满杀机的词叫“历史不清”，母亲被这个语词压迫得痛不欲生。当任何一个批判她的人诘问——你是不是军阀女儿，她就仿佛陷入一个悖论。她比别人还恨她的父亲，却又偏被他们视为同一个敌人。她觉得这个父亲不仅在生前遗弃了她，还在死后长久地陷害着她，她完全无力跳出这一血缘的魔沼。

1957年的母亲正当而立之年，这个来自遥远省城的女人，试图把她的教养植入那个土家山寨。其直率和刚烈却往往好心换来敌意，她对党的意见和她的出身被联系一起时，只能戴上右派的高帽接受工人的监督改造。20年后终于彻底平反时，母亲已老去，所有曾经蒙受的屈辱和伤害不知向谁讨还。划处和平反都是一张纸，她深感前者重如泰山而后者却轻于鸿毛

五

文革开始时，父亲作为矿长很快被打倒，母亲微薄的工资要维持全家的生活，那时她是小镇供销社可以双手打算盘的会计。外婆陪着失学的大姐重返平原插队务农，二姐当了矿工，父亲病危在武汉住院，十岁的我也肺结核穿孔而命若悬丝，我们家一分四处进入了生命中最艰危的岁月。攻击母亲的大字报依旧贴满门窗，频繁的抄家连缝纫机头也被拎走，母亲带着我忍辱负重地在小镇访医求药，她不能垮，她要拉扯着这个破碎的家一个不少地走进那渺茫的明天。

一次她带我到县城看病，回来时求熟人找了个便车，司机走出城后竟威逼我们从车厢下来，一生不低头的母亲为了我哀婉乞求，她看着扬尘而去的汽车悲愤难耐，又不愿让儿子看到一个母亲的窘迫和尴尬，只好将泪水默默吞下。她永远不理解人世间的恶竟至如此，人性何以被一个时代扭曲得如此不堪。

我小学毕业后，学校又以我有传染病为由不录我上初中，我开始了短暂的少年樵夫岁月。当我在夕阳下挑着柴火蹒跚而归时，多能远远看见下班后又来接我的母亲，那时她已见憔悴了，乱发在风中飘飞，有谁曾知她的高贵？两个姐姐都已失学，她再不能让我沉沦泥涂，她不得不去求文教站站长，终于使我得以入学。

六

母亲终于带着全家迎来了1978年。父亲升迁，她获平反，大姐招工，我考上大学，外婆又回到我们身边。这时的母亲总算有了笑颜，她相信善良总有好报。即使那些迫害过他们的人也来我家走动，她依旧不假辞色。

1983年外婆辞世，85年父母离休，87年父亲患癌，89年我辞去警职，随后入狱，母亲又开始了她的忧患余生。

父亲总想等到儿子重见天日，因此而不得不承受每年动一至二次手术的巨大痛苦。他身上的器官被一点点割去，只有那求生的意志仍在顽强茁生。真正苦的更是母亲，她不断拖着她的衰朽残年，陪父亲去省城求医。父亲在病床上辗转，六十多岁的母亲却在病床下铺一张席子陪护着艰难的日日夜夜。只要稍能走动，母亲就要扶着父亲来探监，三人每每在铁门话别的悲惨画面，连狱警往往也感动含泪。每一次挥手仿佛就是永诀，两个为共和国效命一生的佝偻老人，却不得不在最后的日子里，因我而去不断面对高墙电网的屈辱。

我们在不能见面的岁月里保持着频繁通信，母亲总是还要在父亲的厚厚笺纸外另外再写几页。我在那时陷入了巨大的矛盾——既希望父子今生相见，又想要动员父亲放弃生命。他的挣扎太苦了，连带我的母亲而入万劫深渊。

七

1995年我回到山中的家时，只有母亲还在空空的房里收拾着断线碎布。那时父亲刚刚离去半年，他在楼顶奇迹般地种植的一棵花椒树，正盛开着无数只眼睛一如死不瞑目的悬望。

母亲依然如往昔我的飘流归来一样，为我炒好酸菜鸡杂。拿出一大坛药酒说你喝吧，这是你爸为你泡的劳伤药。她怎知儿子的伤原在心深处，却冀望一副古老的药方来疗慰。

为了求生，我不得不匆匆又出山。临行之际，母亲异样地拉着我的手说，你在武汉安顿好后，就接我过去吧，家里太空了，一个人竟觉得害怕。我突然发现母亲已经衰老了，她一生的坚强无畏似乎荡然无存，竟至一下虚弱得像一个害怕孤独的孩子。

八

我用朋友借的一点钱租了一所肮脏的房子，几件歪斜的家具也算撑起了一个家。母亲带着一个单开门的冰箱来了，我见上面许多修补的漆痕，心中无限酸楚——这就是两老一生节俭唯一值钱点的遗产了，无常的灾难耗尽了他们的一切，我又怎生才能报答。

母亲在阴暗的房里一点一点拆她的毛衣，漂洗那些弯曲的毛线，然后又一针一针为我编织出一条毛裤。她说这过去的纯羊毛，现在不好买了，你穿着会暖和些。

她拿出一大本装订好的信纸给我，说这是她这些年来写的她的家族的回忆，我看见密密麻麻的几十万字，几乎页页漫漶着泪痕。她的手颤颤巍巍，哽咽着说这就算是留给你们三姊弟的纪念了。

向来给我作饭的母亲突然不做了，每天要等着我回去做才吃。她又说这房子白天好阴冷，她感到恐惧。我带母亲到居委会去打麻将，她去了一次就再也不去了，她说她和那些老人没有话说。我知道清高的母亲一生不苟时俗，向来也不会娱乐。

我那时和几个朋友凑了点钱编书想卖，每天回去母亲就要问有钱赚吗，我说生意没有这么快，她就又感叹物价涨了，城里生活太贵，然后说她要病了就是我们的拖累，她真想找我的父亲去。我每天在这个冷漠的世界疲于奔命，我求朋友的妻子给她免费的药，她心脏开始不适，我说妈，一切都会好起来的。

九

陪我住了十几天后，母亲要求到大姐那里去住。大姐在同城的另一个区，在长江的边上有一套狭窄的居室。大姐有一个可爱的女儿，我想也许能给母亲多一些欢乐和安慰，就让大姐来接走了她。

我依旧在人海挣扎，在没有电话的时代也疏于问候。根本在于我忽略了母亲的所有暗示，我不知道那时她去意已决，她已在暗自料理后事，在与我们姐弟委婉话别。

1995年的深秋午后，大姐打电话给我朋友找到我说，母亲早上出门现在未回，他们四处找也未能找到，大姐的语气有些惊恐。我还说，不会有事的，你们再找找吧。傍晚大姐在电话那端痛哭——她找到母亲的遗书了。

我带着几个弟兄赶去，大姐交给我从被褥里翻出的母亲的两封信和一串钥匙，匙链上还挂着父亲当年给她的一个韭叶金戒指，我的心顿时如沉冰海。

母亲平静地写道——我知道我病了，我梦见我的母亲在叫我，我把你们的父亲送走了，又把平儿等回来了，我的使命终于完成了，我要找你们父亲去了。。。。。。请你们原谅我，我到长江上去了，不要找我，你们也找不到的。你们三姊妹要互相帮助，父母没能力给你们留下什么，我再不走还要拖累你们。。。。。。

十

我们连夜沿江寻找，多么希望母亲还徘徊在生死边上，给我们最后一线机会。

我们去公安局报案，他们说人失踪一月后再去备个案即可。我们去民政局求助，他们说没有寻人的职责。我们去电视台，他们说上级不允许播寻人启示，走失的太多了。我们自己复印招贴满街去贴，城管的跟着就撕，逮着还要罚款。整个国家没有一个救助机构可为我们分忧，我的母亲就这样走失在她的祖国。

码头工人见多识广，他们说武汉下游的阳逻镇是长江的回水处，水上死者都会在那里漂浮回旋，你可以去那找到你的母亲。

我只身来到那个码头赁居，先找当地派出所求助。他们客气地说，你看这墙上挂着多少寻人启示，我们根本顾不过来，这里每天都有浮尸。以前我们还每具100元请农民捞起来埋上，我们登记个特征。现在经费包干，我们也没闲钱管了，你自己租条小舟去找吧。

我只好请了个胆大的渔民每天划着他的扁舟，陪我在此江湾逡巡。江面上果然每天都有浮尸，我都得靠近查看是否我的母亲。有的被浪花卷到了沙滩上，在阳光下发胀腐烂，堆满了苍蝇，远远就散发出恶臭。我生怕错过我的母亲，总要一一去翻看。许多天了，渔民也厌了，码头工人感于我的孝情，劝我别找了，根据他们的经验，武汉下水的这时早该在此出现了，要没见到，一定是被沿江的船锚挂在水底了，又或者被漩流带出了江湾，那就永远找不到了。我最后还是又沿岸上溯找回武汉，母亲终于仍是一去无迹。而两个姐姐则同时找遍了所有的亲友寺庙，我们终于彻底绝望。

十一

整整十年过去了，秋水长天，物换星移，我们姐弟的隐痛和歉疚却从未平复。我们在一起相聚时，基本也尽量回避这个话题，谁都知道心上的创口还在暗夜渗血。

两个平民姐姐多少还有些迷信，早几年听说哪个神人，总要去花钱请教母亲的下落，并按所谓的高人指点去再做徒劳的追寻。又或者听某位故旧传言，在某处曾见疑似母亲的老人，便又要去打听，然后牵出万千余痛。只有我相信母亲真的去了，她一生的刚烈决绝，一生对我们的挚爱，在那个艰难勉强的时刻，她绝对会选择尊严而从容的赴死。她要用她的自沉来唤起我重新上路，来给我一个无牵无挂的未来。

一个68岁的老人，在经历了她坎坷备尽的生涯后，毅然地走向了深秋的长江。那时水冷如刀，朝阳似血，真难以想象我柔肠寸断的老母，是怎样一步几回头地走向那亘古奔流的大河的，她最后的回眸可曾老泪纵横，可曾还在为她穷愁潦倒的儿女忧心如焚。她把她的神圣母爱撒满那生生不息的浩荡之水，然后再将自己的苍老骨肉委为鱼食，这需要怎样一种勇毅和慈悲啊。她艰难的一跃轰然划破默默秋江，那惨烈的涟漪却至今荡漾在我的心头。

1995年的冬天，我为母亲砌了一个小小的衣冠冢，边上同时安埋下外婆的骨殖和父亲的灰烬，然后我只身踏上了漫游的不归路。

1996年我责编了第一本书稿《垮掉的一代》，看到金斯堡纪念他母亲的长诗《祈祷》，他不断回旋的一个主题就是他母亲最后的遗书——

钥匙在窗台上，

钥匙在窗前的阳光里。

孩子，结婚吧，不要吸毒。

钥匙就在那阳光里……。

读到此时，我在北京紫竹院初春的月夜下大放悲声，仿佛沉积了一个世纪的泪水陡然奔泻，我似乎也看见了我母亲在阳光下为我留下的那把钥匙……

外一首：

寻母启事

在深秋的早晨
她悄悄地走岀了家
平静地换上破旧的衣服和鞋袜
她把短信和钥匙在枕头中放下
她说要到长江去找我的爸爸

岁月的霜雪
早已飞上她的黑发
苦难的过去在她腮边留有伤疤
她会说山里方言却不会讲普通话
被生活压弯的身躯还不到一米五八

好心的朋友
你们可曾看见过她
可曾看见过一个孤独老人在江边玩耍
她不是个疯子
你们千万不要害怕
假如遇见求求你们帮我留下她

善良的朋友
你们能否给她杯茶
能否借一个屋檐让她洗净满脸的尘沙
她是个好人
是我丢失十年的妈妈
十年风雨不知她以哪里为家
妈妈回来吧
儿子在找您已行尽天涯
妈妈回来吧
儿子为找您已翻遍浪花
朋友啊朋友
帮帮我吧
人间需要多一份温暖和牵挂
再别让我们的妈妈走失在自己的国家

Countries in the Asia-Pacific region are bracing for a possible tsunami following a massive earthquake in Chile.

The Pacific Tsunami Warning Center in Hawaii issued a warning for the Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia and many island nations in the Pacific. A lower-level advisory was issued for the northern Pacific region.

Many countries along the Pacific Rim are evacuating residents from coastal areas.

Sirens warned residents in the French Polynesian islands to move away from the shores to higher ground. The first waves are expected to hit the Gambier archipelago.

The Joint Australian Tsunami Warning Center put that country’s eastern states on a tsunami watch. Officials said high waves could reach Australia early Sunday and cause flooding.

New Zealand also is on alert, with officials warning of waves up to three meters high. The waves are expected to end in Japan.

It is hard to predict the wave length of any tsunami, or its exact path, until after it has hit the shore. The waves may not arrive at all, or could be as high as 10 meters above normal sea level.

Experts also warn that the first waves may not be the highest.

The 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami is the most destructive on record. It was generated by a 9.0-magnitude underwater quake with an epicenter near Indonesia’s Sumatra island. It killed about 150,000 people, most of them in south Asia and southeast Asia.

Officials in the Philippines are planning for possible evacuations. The country is still recovering from last year’s deadly storms that caused flooding and landslides.

Japan suffered its own 7.0-magnitude quake Saturday, off the coast of the southernmost island of Okinawa. No injuries or major damage were reported.

写到这里不得不提及国内的财经出版物华夏时报 ChinaTimes.cc 在本世纪初他们曾经的域名是 Chinatimes.net.cn ，后来跟风换了 chinatimes.cc ，Chinatimes.net.cn 就流失了。这也是ChinaTimes在中国大陆的另一段故事。

本次收购实际我们使用资金约合八千多人民币，非常的合算。如前一篇文章所言，考虑到此生永无收购 ChinaTimes.com 的可能，为了品牌哪怕付出八万人民币也是值得的。目前的报价是 ChinaTime.com 约在五万多美元， Chinatimes.org 约在三千多美元。都控制在 BuyDomains.com 的手上。考虑到潜在的其他实力买家，我们认为此次针对 ChinaTimes.net 发起的收购是十分值得的。随后的大约60小时，我们将陆续完成新域名的部署与调试。今后陆续开始在新的域名展开内容更新。谢谢大家的关注。

The China Times Group

ChinaTimes.net – Chinais.com – TheChinaTimes.com – CN.am

New domain will be unveiled soon, transfer is in progress. The daily updates will slow down a little bit before the implementation of our new domain.

The proposal is spearheaded by Professor Brian Williams of the South African Center for Epidemiological Modeling and Analysis (SECEMA). It calls for blanket HIV testing for most of the world’s population, and those found HIV positive would be put immediately on a lifetime course of anti-retroviral drugs.

Past and Future

Professor John Hargrove, director of SECEMA in Stellenbosch, says, “What we’ve done in the past with HIV is try every manner of means that we can to stop people infecting each other. But generally that’s been by way of trying to change the way they behave, to convince them that they should use condoms, that they should only have one partner and so on and so forth,” he says.

However, that approach has not always been successful.

“In particular, we are seeing very little sign in South Africa, Lesotho, Botswana of any great change in behavior and certainly no great decline in the HIV prevalence.”

Hargrove says Williams bases the strategy on mathematical models.

“If you were in a place where you’ve got very high HIV prevalence, if you were to test the whole population, on average once a year and start people immediately on anti-retrovirals as soon as they were HIV positive, then you could actually reduce the incidence sufficiently that you would drive the epidemic to extinction within the foreseeable future. That is of the order of 30 years. I think that’s what’s radical about it.”

The logic behind it

“If you reduce the viral load, the amount of virus in the blood, then you radically reduce the infectiousness. So, if in fact you get people very soon after they are HIV positive and put them on anti-retrovirals, you reduce the aggregate viral load in the entire population. And therefore you will reduce the rate at which new infections occur,” he says.

By putting people on treatment sooner rather than later and by continuing current treatment programs, overall new infections might be held in check.

“Of course you will still have a lot of HIV-positive people in the population, but slowly as people just die out…. The mathematics of it simply indicate that if we manage to do this…this will be the logical outcome,” he says.

Targeting the most sexually active

The head of the South African Center for Epidemiological Modeling and Analysis says, for example, in Botswana the highest proportion of people on anti-retrovirals are those over 40 years old.

“But those people who are much more sexually active,” he says, “the people in their late teens and early 20s, who are HIV positive, they are very, very seldom on anti-retrovirals. So those people who are most likely to spread the infection are the least likely to be on anti-retrovirals. That’s the essential point.”

Strictly voluntary

Such a testing program could raise privacy issues in many countries. Hargrove says the strategy does not call for mandatory HIV testing.

“We are not suggesting at all that there will be any form of coercion. It would just be suggested to people very strongly that they may want to consider having an HIV test,” he says, “And that if in fact they are HIV positive, and if they want to, they will get free anti-retrovirals and they will have it for the rest of their lives.”

The idea of putting people on AIDS drugs long before their immune systems collapse has been circulating for a while. Critics say one of the problems is that such a move could break the budgets of national AIDS programs in many countries. Hargrove disagrees.

“The cost actually will be approximately the same over the next 40 years whether we continue what we’re doing right now or if we put into place what Brian (Williams) suggested we do. The big difference is that if we continue the way we’re going now and if we do not manage actually to drive down (HIV) incidence by other means, then in 40 years…we will still be faced with the same costs,” he says.

The South African professor says, however, “If we put in this more radical approach and reduce incidence to very close to zero, (in) 40 years…we will not have a problem to face.”

The plan was presented to the American Association for the Advancement of science meeting in San Diego, California.

Via

Just to be complete, there is no indication that this was anything other than an internal explosion. While the original satellite might appear in this particular view to be over China at the time of the incident, it is actually well over the Ocean.

Via